 
 
    Thestar.com
    Oct. 29, 2014
    By Martin Regg Cohn 
    It’s not merely unfair, but unaffordable. And unfathomably  un-federal.
    
    Not to split hairs, but income-splitting is perhaps the most  indefensible and insidious campaign gimmick ever conjured up by Prime Minister  Stephen Harper.
    
    It’s not just a bad tax break. It’d be a bad break for  Ontarians in particular, who would pay the highest price for a discriminatory  Tory ploy that could make the rich richer and the poor poorer while  impoverishing the province.
    
    As originally conceived, Harper’s plan would  disproportionately punish Ontario’s Liberal government - bleeding more than $1  billion from the provincial treasury because of rules that require Queen’s Park  to go along with federal tax breaks. By contrast, it would give virtually a  free pass to Harper’s base in Alberta, where a loyal Tory government would lose  nary a penny in the deal.
    
    That explains the angry letter Ontario Finance Minister  Charles Sousa has just fired off to his federal counterpart, Joe Oliver,  demanding compensation for Queen’s Park if Ottawa were to impose “unilateral  actions that hinder Ontario’s ability to balance our budget.”
    
    It also explains why Harper should be having second thoughts  about causing Ontario double trouble. In Toronto Thursday, the PM is expected  to move ahead with income-splitting in some form.
    
    But why are the federal Conservatives even meddling in the  realm of income redistribution, rewarding their traditional notion of the  nuclear family at the expense of everyone else? Today’s Tories never met a tax  break they didn’t like.
    
    Income-splitting is highly targeted to Harper’s base.  Typically, it would reward stay-at-home mothers married to wealthy hubby  breadwinners. The effect is to split off the husband’s higher income,  apportioning some of it to the no-income mom who pays a lower marginal tax  rate.
    
    The stated purpose is to reduce the couple’s shared tax  burden. The unstated outcome, as revealed by independent think tanks, would be  to benefit mostly high-income Canadians. The C.D. Howe Institute concluded that  85 per cent of households would get no benefit, while 40 per cent of the money  would go to one-earner families earning more than $125,000 a year.
    
    Harper promised in the 2011 campaign that he would implement  his scheme - at an estimated cost of $2.7 billion in lost federal revenues  every year - only after Ottawa had eliminated its budget deficit. Conveniently,  that comes just in time for the upcoming 2015 federal election.
    
    But at this time, the timing doesn’t make sense: The  provinces are still far from debt-free, even if Ottawa is enjoying windfall  revenues in a recovering economy.
    
    Ontario’s budget is still burdened by a $12.5 billion  deficit that won’t be eliminated until 2017-18. Yet under the terms of a joint  tax-collection agreement, it is simultaneously required to mirror the ill-timed  tax cuts mandated by Ottawa.
    
    Even if you like income-splitting - and it’s hard to find  many economists who think it’s a good idea - it is indisputably untimely, and  hence unaffordable. For the provinces that are being dragged kicking and  screaming by Ottawa, income-splitting is creating a fiscal split in the  federation.
    
    As Sousa complains in his letter to Oliver, the annual $1  billion loss that he calculates it will cost his treasury “disproportionately  impacts Ontario’s revenues as compared to other provinces.” That’s because  Ontario has a relatively progressive income tax system that hits high-income  earners harder, and is easier on low-income taxpayers. At the other extreme,  Alberta’s flat tax system already benefits high-income earners, so splitting  and redistributing income won’t affect provincial revenues.
    
    Voila. Ontario’s Liberal government takes a $1 billion hit.  Alberta’s Tory government emerges unscathed.
    
    That might seem like a neat trick for Harper’s heartland in  Alberta, but it’s no way to win friends in Ontario. With a Progressive  Conservative leadership race underway in this province, where do the rival  candidates stand on income-splitting at a time when Ontario plainly can’t  afford it?
    
    Do the more than 70 Conservative MPs in Ottawa, who  endlessly hector Queen’s Park for running a deficit, believe it’s the right tax  cut at the right time? The late Jim Flaherty didn’t think so.
    
    Before stepping down as federal finance minister, Flaherty  argued that income-splitting delivers little bang for the federal buck. As a  former provincial treasurer, too, he understood that it made no sense to force  Queen’s Park to forfeit another billion bucks that it doesn’t have.
    
    The numbers don’t add up. Neither does the timing.